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Subliminal Messages Exposed – VA Supreme Court: The Spitball Case – ICE HQ Ordered Not to Arrest Illegals – Folly of Intervention in Uganda

October 22, 2011

Canada: ’52 of the 98 Teens Who Caught Measles Were Fully Vaccinated’

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CDC: Antidepressant Use Up 400% in Past Decade


“Subliminal Messages Exposed”

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Infowars Nightly News
October 22, 2011

Infowars reporter Darrin McBreen reports on subliminal messaging in commercial and political television broadcasts.


Virginia Supreme Court: The Spitball Case

Virginia Supreme Court hears

Oral Arguments to Appeal Spotsy Circuit Court Decision

RICHMOND, Va.- Rita Dunaway, a staff attorney with The Rutherford Institute, presented an oral argument before the Supreme Court of Virginia, asking the court to reverse the long-term suspension of freshman Andrew Mikel II, who in December 2010 was expelled from Spotsylvania High School for the remainder of the school year under a charge that a “spit-wad” incident constituted “violent criminal conduct” and possession of a weapon.

School officials also referred the matter to local law enforcement for criminal prosecution. Although no one was harmed, the Spotsylvania County Circuit Court upheld the disciplinary action in May 2011, denying a claim pressed by Institute attorneys that the action of the Spotsylvania County School Board was arbitrary, capricious and an abuse of discretion.

In appealing the Circuit Court decision, Institute attorneys asked the Virginia Supreme Court to find that Andrew’s conduct did not constitute “violent criminal conduct” and that the school’s actions were excessively punitive and violate the constitutional guarantee to due process of law.

“It’s absurd that Andrew Mikel was not only suspended for the school year but characterized as a criminal,” said John W. Whitehead, president of The Rutherford Institute. “I hope the Virginia Supreme Court will bring justice to bear for Andrew Mikel.”

Watch WTVR Channel 6 Story


Union President Testifies: ICE HQ Ordered Agents Not to Arrest Illegals–Including Fugitives

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Edwin Mora
CNS News
October 21, 2011

Chris Crane, president of a union that represents Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers, testified in the House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration last week that ICE agents have been told by ICE headquarters not to arrest illegal aliens who do not have a prior criminal conviction even if they are fugitives who have been ordered deported by an immigration judge or are individuals who have illegally re-entered the United States after being deported and thus have perpetrated a felony.

“Aliens who could not be arrested included but were not limited to ICE fugitives that had been ordered deported by a federal immigration judge as well as aliens who had illegally re-entered the United States after deportation, a federal felony,” Crane, who is also an active-duty ICE agent, told the committee on Oct. 12.

“ICE officers and agents also alleged that they were not permitted to arrest or even speak to confirmed or suspected illegal aliens encountered in the field during operations and were prohibited from running standard criminal record checks for wants and warrants,” Crane testified.

Crane had previously testified about the matter in the subcommittee in late July.

Full article here


The Folly of American Intervention in Uganda

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Written by Daniel Sayani   –   New American
Friday, 21 October 2011 14:31
American troops are once again becoming embroiled in another international conflict, this time in the beleaguered East African nation Uganda. In response to the ongoing conflict there between the Ugandan government and rebels associated with the Lord’s Resistance Army, President Barack Obama announced earlier this week that 100 soldiers would support the years-long fight against the Lord’s Resistance Army, which is accused of horrific atrocities. The Obama administration said the troops will advise, not engage in combat, unless forced to defend themselves.In a letter to Congress, President Barack Obama said that the troops will assist local forces in a long-running battle against the Lord’s Resistance Army, considered one of Africa’s most ruthless rebel groups, and help to hunt down its notorious leader, Joseph Kony. The first of the troops arrived in Uganda on Wednesday, the White House said, and others will be sent to South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Despite Obama’s claims of “limited intervention,” this latest American meddling in the affairs of another nation represents yet another example of the administration’s unconstitutional, internationalist adherence to the principles of “humanitarian intervention,” also known as the doctrine of “Responsibility to Protect” (RTP), the same theoretical basis for Obama’s intervention in Libya and former President Bill Clinton’s intervention in Kosovo.

A Brief History of the Ugandan Conflict

When Uganda was declared an independent nation in 1962, as with other postcolonial nations, historical interethnic hostilities were not taken into account by Britain; the northern Acholi tribe was assimilated into Uganda — the country’s name coming from the southern Ganda tribe — laying the roots for future conflict, as with the Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda. The Lord’s Resistance Army began life in the early 1980s as the Holy Spirit Movement, led by a woman called Alice Lakwena who claimed the Holy Spirit had ordered her to overthrow the Ugandan government, which was accused of treating the Acholi people of the North unfairly. As resentment towards the Ugandan government intensified, supporters flocked to Lakwena and the Holy Spirit movement gathered momentum, until a battle won by the government led to Lakwena’s exile.

In 1986, President Tito Okello, an Acholi, was removed by the National Resistance Army (NRA), and fearing a full-blown assault and the loss of their traditional military hegemony, the Acholi launched an insurgency against the NRA. In January 1987, Joseph Kony, the current head of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), claimed to receive divine revelations and emerged as the head of an armed, guerrilla movement against the NRA. Kony initially stated that the LRA’s mission was to overthrow the government and rule Uganda based on the 10 Commandments (although it must be noted that the LRA is not a Christian movement; it espouses a theology that combines Pentecostalism with traditional Acholi animism and other African pagan vernacular practices, and is engaged in human rights atrocities that defy biblical ethics).

In 1991, the Ugandan government began efforts to extirpate the guerrillas, known as Operation North, including by recruiting Acholi to fight the LRA, resulting in Kony becoming distrustful of his own people. After Operation North failed (the LRA had modern weaponry at its disposal, while the government forces only had bows and arrows), Kony had asked for amnesty for his troops, and began negotiating with the Sudanese government for support. Various meetings with the government and periods of amnesty for the LRA failed over a three-year period, and by 1994, the conflict had assumed an international identity.

After the LRA was given an ultimatum to disband in February 1994, it began establishing a military presence in Southern Sudan. Kony became convinced that the Acholi were open collaborators with the Ugandan government, resulting in the LRA launching a campaign of brutality against civilians. Mutilations are common, including cutting off lips, noses, and limbs; and mass abductions of youth and children are common. Boys are kidnapped and used as child soldiers (human-rights activists call this the “Invisible Children” phenomenon), and most LRA soldiers today are abducted children (similar to the terrorist group Hamas‘ use of child suicide bombers), a tactic which deters the government from cracking down on the LRA (a military offensive against the LRA is perceived by the Acholi as an attack against innocent children, resulting in a moral ambiguity, as children are both victims and perpetrators). The LRA pillages villages, rape is common, and those who resist kidnapping are killed on the spot.

To be fair, both sides are said to commit atrocities, and Acholi who have been forcefully moved to camps by the government have died with great frequency from malnutrition and disease. Thousands of civilians have been displaced by the conflict, and even within government-protected camps, LRA attacks have been rampant. In March 2002, the Uganda People’s Defense Force began an offensive against the LRA (“Operation Iron Fist”), and in response, LRA troops began crossing the border into the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for the first time, resulting in a diplomatic row between the governments of the DRC and Uganda, with both militaries making a show of force along their border, while the Congolese ambassador to the United Nations sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding that an economic embargo be placed on Uganda in retaliation.

Numerous attempts to reach a peace agreement were made between the LRA and the Ugandan government, but Kony withdrew each time. The Ugandan People’s Defense Force (UPDF) — i.e. the Ugandan army — continues its pursuit of the rebels and claims that they have substantially weakened the LRA, but the ongoing attacks suggest otherwise.

The Folly of American Intervention

Obama’s efforts to intervene in the conflict (in which there are absolutely no American interests at stake) date back to 2009, when Congress passed the Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act. This made it U.S. policy to kill or capture Kony and end the rebellion, and the bill called for funding for humanitarian efforts to block the LRA in Uganda and promote Ugandan economic and infrastructure development. This is clearly unconstitutional, and represents the influence of the international human rights lobby in the Obama administration, which advocates humanitarian intervention, otherwise known as Responsibility to Protect (RTP), a doctrine advocated by czar Samantha Power. In June, the Pentagon moved to send nearly $45 million in military equipment to Uganda and Burundi. The aid included four small drones, body armor, and night-vision and communications gear; and is being used in the fight against al-Shabaab, an al-Qaeda-linked group that U.S. officials see as an increasing threat and that African peace-keeping troops in Somalia have been battling to suppress.

As with American intervention in Libya, the “humanitarian” intervention in Uganda has the backing of the secretive International Crisis Group, which instigated anti-Gadhafi efforts in Libya and counts leading anti-Mubarak Egyptian politician Mohammed ElBaradei and George Soros among its members. The Uganda deployment represents a continued effort by Obama to use military force for humanitarian protection in areas where atrocities are occurring and a continuation of the Libya policy, which represents the meddling in foreign affairs that the Founding Fathers warned us against.

There is nothing humanitarian about “humanitarian intervention,” and if history is the best predictor for the future, then it can be expected that American troops will be engaged in a fifth war with no quick end in sight. American and Ugandan blood will be unnecessarily shed, our defense capabilities will be compromised, and as the deficit spirals out of control, the defense budget will continue to swell at an unsustainable rate.


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